EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
PROJECT AIMS
AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
The
Relationships of Identity and Community
The
Psychology of Creating an Identity
The
Nature of Community
Community
Based on Interests and Occupation
METHODS
ETHNOGRAPHIC SETTING AND CONTEXT.
Introduction
The
Ethnographic Setting at the Chief Solano Club All Breeds Show
The
Setting
Structure of the Event
Rules of the Event
Dress and
Proxemics
Material
Artifacts
Observing at the Event
The
Importance of the Informal Interviews
Observing
at the Pom Show and More Interviews
Observing
at the Obedience Trials
Observing
at the Conformation Show
Doing
Interviews at the Siberian Husky Show
ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS
An
Introduction to My Four Informants
Major
Findings
Ownership
and Choice of Breed
Activities with Their Dogs
CONCLUSIONS AND SUMMARY OF
FINDINGS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX A
This research was conducted to do an
ethnography of a community of dog owners involved in showing their dogs at
dogs shows and to compare two groups within that community – the owners of
Pomeranian and Siberian Husky dogs -- to determine if their different
choices of breeds is reflected in different lifestyles, activities, and
personality characteristics. It was hypothesized that there would be
differences, in part because people are drawn to different breeds based on
their interests, activities, and personal traits.
The research was conducted by attending the Specialty Shows conducted by
the Northern California Pomeranian Club in Vallejo, California April 19,
2003 and by the Northern California Siberian Husky Club in Novato,
California April 26, 2003 and further interviewing two informants from
each of these groups. The research findings confirmed the hypothesis in
that there were distinct differences between the Pomeranian and Siberian
Husky owners which paralleled the different characteristics of their dogs
and which led the owners to choose these dogs. The Pom owners described
their dogs as very social, friendly, companion dogs and were drawn to this
breed for that reason. They also described themselves as very social
people themselves, and they had a very relaxed, social atmosphere at their
Specialty Show of dogs, and emphasized socializing at many informal events
through the year. By contrast, the Sibe owners described their dogs as
very independent dogs that had a will of their own and were hard to train,
and they enjoyed the challenge of the breed as well as a dog that could
fit into their more active lifestyle. The atmosphere at their Specialty
Show was more tense and competitive, and the owners emphasized their
independent activities with their dogs, such as using them as therapy dogs
or taking them sledding or hiking. They were more aware of dog show
politics, too
PROJECT
AIMS AND
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
In conducting this research,
I had the following primary goals. One was to do an ethnography of a
community and provide an ethnographic description of a group of people
within that community – in particular, dog owners involved in showing
their dogs at dogs shows. The second was to compare two different groups
within that community – in particular, the owners of Pomeranian and
Siberian Husky dogs -- to determine if their different choices of breeds
is reflected in different lifestyles, activities, and personality
characteristics.
A working hypothesis
guiding this research was that there would be differences, in part because
people would be drawn to different breeds based on their interests,
activities, and personal traits. For example, someone living on their own
or in a city apartment might be more drawn to one of the smaller dog
breeds, such as a Pomeranian, while someone with a large family living in
a larger setting might be more drawn to one of the larger dog breeds, such
as a Husky. Also, personality factors might come into play, leading one
owner to be drawn to a small, friendly companionship dog like a Pomeranian
and another to be drawn to the larger, more independent Siberian Husky.
I was interested in both looking at whether such differences existed and
whether the owners of these different types of dogs were aware of any
differences that might exist among themselves and the owners of other
breeds.
Then, if there were such
differences, I was interested in exploring them in more depth to look at
how such differences in lifestyle, activities, and personality were
expressed among the owners of these different breeds.
One factor that led me to
choose this topic is that I have already been doing informal research on
the way owners of different types of breeds differ for a series of
workshops and seminars based on a Web site and book project called Do You
Look Like Your Dog, to be published by Random House in 2004. In
addition, I felt this research would provide a valuable contribution to
academic scholarship and theory and would have practical value in
addressing some issues of concern to those who own dogs as pets and/or
show them.
More specifically, I felt that this research will contribute to the theory
and research in the area of identity and community - a subject I explored
in looking at how visual artists join communities and create their
identity as an artist in my internship dissertation. In addition, it will
contribute to the research and theory in the area of social interaction
research in the field of personality typing in psychology.
Additionally, the research has practical value in that it contribute to a
better understanding of the way in which people create different types of
social groups in response to personal interests and personality factors.
Further, it will help to promote more responsible dog ownership by making
prospective dog owners more aware of the factors that lead people to
choose different breeds that are compatible with their own lifestyle,
interest, and personality characteristics.
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
When dog
owners not only choose a breed of dog but become active in showing that
dog, they are essentially joining a community, and many who do are very
aware that they have done so, even referring to the world of showing dogs
as a “subculture.” In turn, becoming a participant in this group involves
a process of self-definition along with situating oneself in a community.
The way one expresses oneself (e.g. in terms of personal interests,
lifestyle, activities, and personality) very likely influences the breed
of dog one chooses and then this choice affects what larger community of
dog show participants one joins. Reciprocally, the influence of already
active members of that community can contribute to joining the group and
developing a self-identity based on that choice, such as when a person
looking for a dog is guided in their choice by someone who is already
involved in the dog show circuit and subsequently gets that same breed of
dog and begins to show it.
This process of
self-definition through one’s community has its roots in the symbolic
interactionist perspective that developed from the blending of psychology
and sociology in the early and mid 20th century to explore the
links between the individual and society. A central tenet of this
tradition, as stated by Charles Horton Cooley, one of the founders of this
theoretical perspective is that the self can’t be seen as something
separated from society, but was an “agent interpenetrated with the social
world” (Carbaugh, 1996: 4). According to George Herbert Mead, another
founder of this tradition, individuals continually fit themselves into
their community, thereby creating both self and societal life. (Carbaugh,
1996: 5).
The research and
theorizing deriving from this approach is particularly relevant to
understand how dog owners make choices of dog breeds that define
themselves and their community, since social interactionists explore how
the self varies in different social scenes, and how different cultures and
social characteristics, which would include lifestyle activities, shape
the self. (Carbaugh, 1996:6-7). They also consider how the type of
self being created affects the type of community joined (or vice versa)
shapes the outcome – such as when a “playful self’ participates in an
activity as a hobby or vocation – a characterization that applies to
opting to participate in dog shows -- whereas a more serious or career
self takes central stage in an occupational context, such as for those dog
owners who not only show but become dog breeders and trainers. (Carbaugh,
1996: 39). Then, as they become more active in and passionate about an
activity, as Holland, Lachiacotte, Skinner, and Cain describe (1998: 49),
that world can help shape the individual’s identity by providing them with
“webs of meaning” (Geertz, 1973: 3-32).
Likewise, owners
participating in dog shows can be drawn together by the ideals and
principles that are at the foundation of these shows, which are organized
by clubs that abide by American Kennel Club (AKC) guidelines. All clubs
and the members participating in these shows have to abide by these
guidelines, which are described at length in AKC by-laws and literature.
So they are bound together by their commitment to these principles, as
well as by actually going to the club-sponsored shows and showing their
dogs. In a sense, there active participation might be considered a form
of “codevelopment,” in which the individual engages in “improvisational
responses” to social and cultural situations. This way the individual has
the flexibility to work and rework his or her identity in a social
landscape, thereby creating a “practiced identity”, using the figured
world to provide a frame of meaning (Holland, Lachiacotte, Skinner, and
Cain, 1998: 271). For the dog show owner this occurs in the context of a
fairly rigid system of AKC rules governing the procedures at any given dog
show. Yet, even with this formal structure all must adhere too, there is
still some negotiation of identity, such as when an individual tries to
improve his or her dog’s chances of winning, such as by getting to know
the judge, a phenomena especially noted by the politically-minded Siberian
Husky owners I interviewed.
The theory on the
psychology of creating an identity is also particularly relevant, because
of an interest in looking at the relationship between personality and
individual choice of breeds. Then, once this choice has been made,
various social dynamics come into play that bind the individual to the
group and leads that person to want to contribute to and represent that
group. As Michael A. Hogg and Dominic Abrams point out in Social
Identification:
People’s concepts of who they
are, of what sort of people they are, and how they relate to others
(whether members of the same group – ingroup - or of different
groups – outgroup), is largely determined by the groups to which
they feel they belong. (1988: 2-3).
This identification might be
especially important for dog owners when they first start to show and gain
encouragement from other owners of that breed so they feel like they
belong. In fact, some of the interviewees in the Pomeranian group spoke
of feeling like they had joined a family in becoming part of the network
of Pom owners (to use the term they most commonly did to describe their
dogs and the shows they exhibited in.). Then, once these newly showing
dog owners join a club, they can claim that identity, as well as obtain
more specific guidelines about how a member of an AKC club should behave,
such as how exactly to present their dogs in a show and how to train their
dog in the skills of obedience and agility to better satisfy the judges
who are using standard AKC criteria to make their judgments. But learning
to act based on such group norms, rules, customs, and standards is more
than just conforming to social identifiers. Rather, in acting in
accordance with group guidelines, the individual is also identifying with
that group, while making those guidelines a part of him or herself. This
process is not just a social connection, but a psychological binding, as
well, according to Hogg and Abrams. As they state:
Belonging to a group (of
whatever size and distribution) is largely a psychological state
which is quite distinct from that of being a unique and separate
individual, and…it confers social identity, or a shared/collective
representation of who one is and how one should behave. (1988:3)
This bonding, in turn,
supports the human drive to “impose order upon the potential chaos,” since
social groups provide a means to order, structure, simplify, define and
clarify the self. This concern with order is especially true for owners
showing their dog, since the AKC sets forth very rigid, exacting
guidelines of exactly what each club and member needs to do to comply with
AKC standards. Such guidelines not only apply to the dogs they show in
the ring, but the owners, too, and any deviation can be grounds for
disqualifying an owner’s dog during a show as well as potentially
suspending or excluding the owner from the group if the violation is
serious enough or repeated (such as being vocally abusive to other dog
owners or rudely challenging the ruling of a judge).
In return for submitting to
such group discipline, however, the individual has positive gains for his
or her self-concept supported by the group, which helps the individual
feel better about himself, since group members tend to give their own
group a relatively positive social identity compared to their evaluation
of outgroup members. Then, this positive group evaluation reflects back
on the individual, providing a greater sense of well-being and worth. For
example, while some of the Pom owners I spoke to were quite critical of
the owners of Siberian Huskies and other dogs – describing the Sibe owners
as overly independent or the Afghan Hound owners as often arrogant, much
like their dogs, the Pom owners spoke of others in their own group very
warmly. They saw themselves and other Pom owners as warm, friendly,
social, happy people, like their dogs – and perhaps even a reason they
chose the dogs they did.
Still another frame for the
psychology of creating an identity is the lens of role taking and
socialization, as described by Karl E. Scheibe in his book Self
Studies: The Psychology of Self and Identity. (1995). Drawing on
George Herbert Mead’s notion of “taking the role of the other,” Scheibe
points out how an individual incorporates the attitudes other individuals
have towards him into his self-concept as they interact together (1995:
37), and he draws on “social role theory” to discuss how the individual
learns to take on an expected role through socialization or enculturation
into granted or achieved roles (Scheibe, 1995: 75). For the dog owner
participating in a dog show this is reflected in the way he or she learns
to exhibit a show dog and gains a feeling of personal fulfillment from the
performance and appearance of that dog in the ring. To the extent that
the dog does well, the individual can feel his or her success in breeding
or training that dog, and the winning ribbons and photographs after a show
helped to reaffirm the importance of taking on this role.
While much of the
socialization or enculturation research has focused on how a child learns
to play the parts required as an adult, this model is well suited for
looking at the path any newcomer follows in participating in any group or
community, such as the dog owner who is newly showing and is learning the
ropes to become part of the dog show world. As Scheibe points out,
special instruction is necessary for any individual to step into an
attained or achieved role and thereby “gain special recognition, power,
and responsibility in society” (1995: 76). Likewise, the dog owner needs
such instruction, whether through formal instruction through AKC books or
seminars, or through informal learning from other dog owners when he or
she starts going to dog shows either as an observer or as a participant
first entering his or her dog. However the owner acquires this
information, he or she learns what is required for his or her dog to
become a champion and how to more successfully participate in these shows
to increase the dog’s – and by extension his own – chances of winning.
While some owners continue to participate just for the fun of going to
these shows and interacting with others in the community, such as some of
the Pom owners who find the social connections of the Pom show world
especially inviting, others emphasize the importance of winning, such as
the Sibe owners, who are generally a more competitive and politically
aware group, as they themselves note.
The other
side of the identity and community equation is the nature of the community
from which one takes identity. While dog show participants do participate
in real world activities, many are part of a broader, nationally based
network that unites them through an online connection. Though some
writers have objected to a community model not located in a specific
place, such as John F. Freie who claims these are a “counterfeit
community,” since community members need to “actively participate and
cooperate with others to create their own self-worth, a sense of caring
about others, and a feeling for the spirit of connectedness (1998: 23),
many people in the dog show world gain their sense of community both
locally and globally. As such, they have parallels with the corporate
business and media networks that create a global enterprise, brand, or
programming today. People feel a sense of connection to that global
community, but there are local cultural differences – hence the common
corporate mantra to the troops of “Think globally but act locally.” Thus,
beyond the three main characteristics commonly associated with community:
face-to-face interactions, participating in activities involving
cooperation and commitment, and a grounded physical space where people can
meet and interact one-on-one (Freie 1998: 24), many dog show participants
think of themselves as part of a virtual dog show community, too, defined
by participation in dog shows, whether one actually meets others in that
community or not.
Within such communities,
whether interactions are formal or informal, face-to-face or virtual,
community members create links and bonds with others by participating
together. Then, that participation contributes to group cohesion.
Moreover, when participants take on different roles in the group, they
feel an even greater sense of connectedness through group support for
their role-taking or by taking on complementary roles that provide mutual
support (Freie 1998: 25). For example, dog show participants might
participate in a mixture of Specialty Shows for their breed, as well as
enter their breed’s division in an All Breeds shows. Some may also
participate in obedience, agility, or tracking trials, whether they
participate in the conforming shows, which are at the center of both
Specialty and All Breeds shows. Then, too, some participate in other
special activities with their dogs based on the type of breed they own,
such as keeping their Pom dogs close to them whenever they go someplace,
since these are small companionable dogs, or taking their Huskies to the
mountains to go sledding, since these were originally bred to be sled
dogs. Still others may use their dogs for community service, such as
taking either Poms or Huskies to a hospital as therapy dogs to cheer up
patients, since both types of dogs are very friendly and love being with
people. And while some owners may simply come to occasional shows to
exhibit their dogs and then leave after a few hours or spending the day or
weekend at the show, still others become even more bonded by becoming
officers and running local club activities. Thus, in these various ways,
the owners might feel a bond with other group members through face-to-face
real world participation, while they also express and celebrate their
unique style, based on their particular combination of choices in what
they want to do with their dog. In so doing, they reinforce both identity
and community simultaneously.
Many psychological and social
benefits come from being part of such a community, whatever the type of
group – whether dog show participants or others. Members gain a sense
of group support for shared values, beliefs, and mores. They gain a
feeling of rootedness from consciously identifying with and being part of
a community. They also experience a “sense of trust, common purpose,
common respect, and a sense of connection,” along with a “sense of caring
for others,” whether or not they know them personally (Freie 1998: 29).
In short, community offers a “web of relationships,” in which members have
relationships with one another and the physical environment that defines
the community and their relationships among each other. They feel a
connectedness and solidarity with others that provides the “essence of
community”. They share a common experience and participate with others to
achieve agreed-upon goals (Freie 1998: 3-4), and it doesn’t matter whether
they are spatially linked. They feel a a sense of community across time
and space with broader, not spatially anchored groups. Indeed, many use
the power of the Internet to set up Web sites that feature their dogs and
their accomplishments that contribute to linking these dispersed
communities of dog owners together, while expressing their sense of
identity through their pride in their dogs.
Theory and research on
occupational communities are relevant to understand how dog owners who
show their dogs join communities, too, particularly the work of the
symbolic interactionists, because of their interest in the relationship
between psychology, meaning, and social structure. Writing from this
perspective, George Herbert Mead states that a career incorporates
concepts of identity, reference group, roles, and role expectations and
that one builds an identity by looking to significant others as a
reference group. One can do so either in the now or through anticipatory
socialization -- identifying oneself with the group to which one aspires
to belong in the future. (Salaman 1974: 14-15)
Such concepts can be
especially applicable to some dog show participants, since they do more
than participate as a hobby. Rather, they use their participation and
the ribbons and certificates they win for their dogs to support their
activity as breeders, who are breeding their dogs to sell to others as
well as keep as family pets or for show themselves. Then, too, some may
offer products or services for dogs and dog owners, ranging from books and
magazines to ID tags and specialty clothing for dogs. So much like many
entrepreneurs and artists who find their real identity in off-the-job
friendships, dog show participants use their participation to express
their identity, build relationships with other dog show participants, and
in many cases support their activities in breeding dogs or providing other
products and services to the show dog owners’ community.
In effect, they are like the
members of occupational communities described by Graeme Salaman in
Community and Occupation, who build their lives around their work
(1974: 19). As Salaman points out, such individuals “see themselves in
terms of their occupational role: their self-image is centered on their
occupational role” (Salaman 1974: 21). They see themselves as people with
specific qualities, interests, and abilities due to that occupation, and
have a reference group based on members of that occupational community,
whether local or non-local. They often prefer to make friends with those
in their occupation instead of outsiders. And they bring their work
activities and interests into their everyday lives outside of work (1974:
21).
In turn, this strong
occupational focus makes this activity a powerful source of self-image,
based on the support and confirmation of certain significant others. As a
result, the attitudes, beliefs, and opinions held about oneself can be
strongly influenced by the degree of support, encouragement, recognition,
and acceptance, obtained from others in that occupational group. (Salaman
1974: 21-22). Moreover, as Ronald M. Pavalko points out in Sociology
of Occupations and Professions, people commonly use the occupations of
other people to identify them” (1988: 4), and.social scientists not only
characterize a profession as having certain traits, such as acquiring
specialized skills or competence, but as possessing distinctive values,
norms, and beliefs, which contribute to the feeling of identity members of
that group share, because they have a common identity and share similar
norms and values which guides them in their behavior both at work and in
other activities. Pavalko (1977:27)
These ideas about
occupational identity, sense of community, and occupational socialization
can be applied to dog show participants as well, particularly since
winning championships for one or more of their dogs is like moving along a
career trajectory, which they move along with their dogs. This trajectory
consists of winning in various age grades of conformation competitions
(such as puppy 6-9 months, puppy 9-12 months, adult dog, and veteran) and
in various levels of skill in obedience trials (such as moving from a
novice to open to utility to finally winning a UTC certificate). These
wins, in turn, reflect on the owner’s skill and expertise in raising and
showing his or her dogs, and the accumulation of wins provides a growing
source of status and prestige among others in the group. In addition, to
assist them in going through this socialization process, the show dog
owners can look to mentors or more experienced group members for guidance,
or they can get books and videos about their breed, as well as attend
workshops or seminars or enroll in training programs with their dogs.
The influence of a reference group can be very important, too, in that
individuals joining an occupational group look to others already in the
field for acceptance and seek input from them to judge how they are doing
as well and guide their behavior (Pavalko 1988: 89). In the dog show
world, these signs of accomplishments are very clear, in the continual
judging of the dogs at multiple events. The dog owner can enter the same
dog or different dogs in many of these shows at the same event or in
multiple shows that occur throughout the region, state, or nation – and
many do.
All of
these processes -- group identification, using group members as a
reference group, engaging in anticipatory socialization, and finding group
membership a source of self-enhancement and self-esteem -- likewise apply
to show dog owners as they create their own trajectory through the dog
show world using one or more dogs as a vehicle to propel them through this
community. Even if their goal is personal fulfillment, they still engage
in the same types of activities to advance their skills and reputation as
those viewing dog show participation as a way to gain status and authority
in selling dogs as a breeder or offering other product and support
services. Thus, even if they obtain no money or seek none by showing
their dogs, they are still on a career-like trajectory and are thereby
influenced by the various factors associated with gaining an identity and
forming a community through their occupational choice based on gaining
increased skill and recognition in showing their dogs.
More........